martes, 22 de agosto de 2017

Spreading Wahhabism Beyond Arabia By Medea Benjamin


Spreading Wahhabism Beyond Arabia
By Medea Benjamin


Certainly Saudi Arabia is not the only culprit for the worldwide surge in violent Muslim extremism since 2000. There are the catastrophic U.S. wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Libya; the illegal Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories; the sectarian nature of the Iraqi government; the torture at Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib; and the brutal repression of the Assad dictatorship in Syria. But Wahhabi ideology has certainly been one of the key factors in the spread of terrorism.

Wahhabism is an extreme, fundamentalist sect of Sunni Islam that was created based on the teachings of eighteenth-century Imam Wahhab. His students and followers advocated a return to the austere practices supposedly followed by the Salaf, or earliest Muslims, during the seventh century.

According to Imam Wahhab, popular local forms of Islam that incorporated reverence to past Imams, their shrines, or ancient pagan sacred sites were sacrilegious, since only the one true God is worthy of reverence. The Shia practice of revering and making pilgrimages to the shrines of Shiite Imams was one of Wahhab’s prime targets, but he also condemned Sunni Muslims in Arabia for revering trees, rocks, and other traditional sacred sites. Based on his teachings, Wahhabism developed in its harshest form to say that Muslims should hate non-Muslims; that Shia and other non- Wahhabi Muslims are infidels; and that the Saudi monarchy is the ordained protector of the Muslim faith.

The interpretation of Islam promoted by the Saudis was in sharp contrast to the ancient traditions of tolerance in Muslim countries like Indonesia, Malaysia, and Mali. President Obama himself remarked on this in a conversation with Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. Obama described how he has watched Indonesia, where he lived as a child, gradually move from a “relaxed, syncretistic Islam to a more fundamentalist, unforgiving interpretation” due to Saudi influence.

The name “Wahhabism” itself was originally used only by Imam Wahhab’s opponents, much as opponents of today’s Islamic State movement call it by the acronym “Daesh.” Calling Wahhab’s followers “Wahhabis” was a sly dig at the contradiction at the heart of this new sect. The Wahhabis condemned reverence to other well-known Imams, but seemed to make an exception for Wahhab himself, so the label “Wahhabi” was pointedly ironic.

Wahhabism would have remained a marginal sect were it not for its union with the political power of the Saudi family combined with oil money. Wahhabism was first used by the Al Saud family as a way to unite the peninsula’s unruly tribes and later as a bulwark against the rise of secularism, Arab nationalism, and Soviet influence in the Middle East. Wahhabism became the strategy for the monarchy to justify its hold on power and project that power abroad.

As the kingdom evolved, the Saudi family and religious clerics used the public schools to inculcate their citizens with the radical Wahhabist ideology. According to a 2006 report by the U.S. group Freedom House, Islamic studies textbooks issued by the Saudi Ministry of Education taught students that Christians, Jews, Shiites, and Sufi Muslims are enemies of the true believer. An eighth grade text read: “The apes are Jews, the people of the Sabbath; while the swine are the Christians, the infidels of the communion of Jesus.” Some books justified violence against apostates, sorcerers, and homosexuals, and labeled Jews and Christians “enemies of the believers.” A high school textbook presented the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” as an authentic document, rather than a notorious forgery designed to promote hostility toward Jews.

Responding to U.S. pressure, the Saudis agreed to revise and update textbooks to remove bigoted views. They pledged to complete the task in two years, but eight years later, in 2014, the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom reported that “revisions are incomplete and language promoting hatred and incitement to violence remains in high school texts.” It is also impossible to recall the tens of thousands of older versions of textbooks and other intolerant materials in circulation.

Wahhabi-oriented television channels that reach deep into households from urban Tunisia to rural Mali continue to spew hate, as do some Islamist newspapers and websites. The tragic result is that in some parts of the world, a whole generation of Muslims has grown up with a distorted, negative view of other religions and an intolerant, sectarian understanding of their own faith.

Throughout world history, such unions of political power and religious sects have created powerful and dangerous forces. The claims of fundamentalists to represent “pure” forms of well- established religions have made these political movements particularly resistant to compromise or reconciliation with the rest of human society.

These patterns have emerged in the United States with the Religious Right, in Latin America with Evangelical Christians, in Sri Lanka with the Sinhalese Buddhist Nationalists, in India with the Hindu Nationalist BJP, in Israel with the fundamentalist Jewish sects colonizing illegal settlements, and in Iraq with the U.S.-backed Da’wa regime.

These movements share several common features:

• They claim to be carrying out the will of God or a divine plan.

• They condemn members of other branches of their own religion as heathens or apostates.

• They justify war, murder, and other crimes as a legitimate means to religiously sanctioned political ends.

• They harness religious authority to justify their own political and economic interests.

The rise of Saudi Arabia and the spread of Sunni fundamentalism may be the clearest example of this pattern in the world today, and it poses a grave threat to global security and peace.

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How Wahhabism Spread Beyond the Arabian Penninsula

The year 1979 was critical in Saudi history. The Iranian revolution, the seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca by Saudi militants, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan all became intertwined in determining the path Saudi rulers would take.

The Iranian revolution sent shock waves through the Saudi leadership, not only because the Iranian clerics staked a competitive claim to representing Islam, but also because it inspired Wahhabi militants inside the kingdom to question Saudi rulers. This led to the November 1979 seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca by religious extremists. Their call for the overthrow of the royal family, who they claimed had been corrupted by Western interests, echoed the revolutionaries who deposed the Shah in neighboring Iran.

Militants held the mosque for two weeks with hundreds of pilgrims trapped inside. The Saudi rulers eventually brought in French special forces to recapture the mosque. In the bloody battle that ensued, hundreds were killed—rebels, Saudi forces, and pilgrims—and the government later beheaded sixty-three captured militants in public squares across the country.

Facing a crisis in the wake of the Iranian revolution and Grand Mosque seizure, the Saudi rulers calculated that one way to help reclaim their role as the rightful guardians of Islam in the region—and appease their own religious zealots—would be by using their oil wealth to spread Wahhabi ideology all over the world. They also used the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan to redirect the religious zeal of Saudi militants toward external conflicts, encouraging them to go fight against the Soviet infidels.

The soaring oil prices in the 1970s gave the kingdom all the petrodollars it needed to export its rigid form of Islam. The Muslim World League, established by the Saudis in 1962 to spread Islamic teachings, became a powerhouse for the production and dissemination of Wahhabi scholarship around the globe. The Saudi Ministry of Religion printed and distributed Wahhabi translations of the Quran and Wahhabi doctrinal texts throughout the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. Saudis gained control of most Islamic publishing houses around the world.

They built madrassas, which means schools in Arabic, to teach Wahhabi ideology throughout the Muslim world. In many poor regions, this was the only education available. One of the countries that received the largest number of Saudi schools was Pakistan. General Zia-ul-Haq had seized power in 1977, imposed Sharia law, and then gave the Saudis free rein to create Islamic schools across the country to fill the gap of a collapsed education system.

According to the late King Fahd’s website, the Saudi government spent $4 billion a year building mosques and schools, paying the salaries of preachers and teachers, providing scholarships for students, and publishing textbooks to spread Wahhabism. Together with Wahhabi charities and royal trusts, they built more than fifteen hundred mosques, two hundred Muslim centers, two hundred Islamic colleges, and two thousand madrassas worldwide. The Saudi government staffed those institutions with nearly four thousand preachers and missionaries, paying for the salaries of students who received scholarships to study in the kingdom and returned home to teach in schools or preach in mosques.

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The Creation and Growth of the Taliban

When Afghanistan, another largely Sunni country, came under Soviet domination in 1979, the Saudi monarchy saw an opportunity to position itself as the global defender of Muslims against foreign invaders. This was also convenient for the United States, whose main concern was defeating the Soviet Union.

In collaboration with the CIA, the Saudis funded the armed resistance in Afghanistan, a group that became known as the mujahideen, which translates to “holy warriors.” The United States committed hundreds of millions of dollars each year to the mission, and the Saudis matched it, dollar for dollar, with their money flowing through a CIA-run Swiss bank account.

The Saudis also helped recruit fighters for the resistance by creating a new kind of madrassa in the Pakistan–Afghanistan region that focused more on making war on infidels (the Soviets) than on Islamic scholarship. The recruits came predominantly from the lower classes in the Afghan–Pakistan region, including Afghans who had fled the Soviet invasion and were living in refugee camps.

Thousands of these schools sprang up along Pakistan’s border and then inside Afghanistan itself— training not scholars, but fighters equipped with Wahhabi ideology and American weapons. They used Islam as a vehicle for creating a very disciplined guerrilla army with a clear anti-communist ideology.

In these camps, a new generation came of age, calling themselves the Taliban, which comes from the Arabic word talib, which means student. They became one of the groups of mujahideen that fought the Soviet occupation from 1979 to 1989.

When the Soviets withdrew, Afghanistan plunged into chaos with competing warlords fighting each other for control. The Taliban, who had been loosely organized on a regional basis, unified under the leadership of Mullah Omar, the son of a landless farmer. From Pakistan, they launched an offensive and succeeded in seizing the city of Kandahar from a notorious warlord. Two years later, they took Kabul and declared the establishment of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.

Only three countries—Pakistan, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia—established diplomatic relations with the new Taliban government. The Saudi government even granted government-paid holidays to its employees and their families to visit Afghanistan so they could witness the “true Islam.” In 1998, the Saudi monarch invited Mullah Omar to make the Hajj to Mecca.

A well-known Saudi figure who supported the Taliban and set up operations in Afghanistan during that time was Osama bin Laden. After helping the mujahideen overthrow the Soviets, bin Laden had started thinking about a global jihad. At a 1988 meeting in Peshawar, Pakistan, he and some of his top fighters decided to form a new network and called it Al Qaeda—literally, “the Base.” They forged links with militants across the Middle East and North Africa. After a stint in Sudan, bin Laden returned to Afghanistan in 1996 and was warmly welcomed by the Taliban and its top leader Mullah Omar.

It was from the Al Qaeda headquarters in Afghanistan that bin Laden announced a jihad to expel foreign troops and interests from Islamic lands, and made a public declaration of war against the United States.

 

Medea Benjamin,
Kingdom of the Unjust