"Catalan process is not populist", states Meindert Fennema, expert in European populism
CNA
Barcelona (ACN).- The Emeritus Professor at the
University of Amsterdam and political scientist, Meindert Fennema, spoke
with the CNA about the Catalan independence process. According to this
recognised expert in populism throughout Europe, the Catalan process is
far from populist, and he explains why such a comparison is false. Not
only are the historical roots of both very different, but while populism
"started as an anti immigration movement", "for historical reasons,
Catalans have always embraced their immigrants". Moreover, populism is
traditionally anti-government and against European Union integration; "a
populist would not trust any government, neither Madrid nor the
Generalitat (the Catalan Government’s official name)", he emphasised.
However, the Catalan independence movement has always been democratic,
supportive of granting more powers to the Catalan Government and open to
inclusion within Europe. Dr. Fennema goes onto debunk the myth that
the Catalan independence movement is similar to the stance adopted by
the French populist and extreme-right party Front National, headed by
Marine le Pen; although this is a myth spread by a small minority. The
Dutch expert pointed out that given the religious and political
differences it is "nonsensical" to say that the Catalan movement looks
like Le Pen’s; it is "not true", he insisted. He admits that there are
elements of radicalization in Catalonia’s independence movement; however
he explains that they represent a small part and they come from the
"fringe" aspect of being a cultural and linguistic minority, like that
of the Frisian movement in his home country The Netherlands. Finally, he
explains why Spain is a more corrupt country than Holland, and how best
to fight against corruption today.
Only a few weeks later the leader of the Catalan Socialist Party
(PSC), Miquel Iceta, made a similar comparison regarding the plebiscite
elections that the President of the Catalan Generalitat ,Artur Mas, is
planning to call as ‘de facto’ referendum on independence taking into
account the Spanish Government’s blocking attitude for a mutually-agreed
vote,. According to Iceta, the plebiscite “reminded him” those
elections behind the rise of Adolf Hitler in 1933. The PSC leader,
however, later corrected this and said that "any comparison with Nazism
is not accurate."
These comparisons are inadequate for Fennema and even "ridiculous".
According to the Dutch Emeritus Professor, the Catalan independence
movement cannot be described as populist, and his first reason is that
the two share very different attitudes towards immigration.
"For historical reasons, Catalans have always embraced their immigrants"
While "populism started as an anti immigrant movement" and became
later "anti European" with a common ground in "nationalism", the Catalan
movement, on the other hand, was pro-immigration. Furthermore, Spain
"had always exported labour rather than imported it", making inclusion
with Europe advantageous. Fennema points out that "for historical
reasons, Catalans have always embraced their immigrants", inducing them
to "learn Catalan and become Catalan". He argues that this "open-minded
strategy" to including immigrants within Catalonia is very different to
one adopted by a populist movement. He points out it is a
mutually-advantageous relationship, given that "the biggest enemy of
Catalonia is Madrid", so any one with a similar attitude "is welcomed”.
Moreover from the other perspective, "immigrants would benefit from more
independence, because Catalonia is a fairly wealthy nation", and the
"rest of Spain is not".
"A populist does not believe in any government, neither Madrid nor the Generalitat"
Not only are the historical roots and attitude to immigrants very
different, but the Catalan process is far from populist in its attitude
to government. While the Catalan process seeks self-governance, European
populism is anti governments of any kind. He admits that "there may be
populists in Catalonia" but "most Catalan parties are not populist".
The Catalan process has also been compared to extremist political
parties, including that of the French far-right party Front National,
led by Marine Le Pen. Dr. Fennema rejects this comparison however,
pointing out that to say that because both are "nationalist" does not
make them the same, this is a simplistic comparison. "It is very
nonsensical to say that since the Catalan movement is a nationalist
movement and Le Pen is a nationalist movement", they are similar; "that
is not true". He explains the two movements have different political
and religious backgrounds; "actually Catalan nationalism is very
republican" unlike the Front National, and while the latter has "very
strong catholic roots" in contrast to the Catalan movement.
If anything, the Catalan process is better compared to one of an
ethnic minority, and he uses the Frisians of his home country The
Netherlands as an example. "The Frisians have always had a good contact
with the Catalans", according to the Dutch Emeritus Professor, as both
are "a cultural minority". While there may be "elements of
radicalization" in both, he feels this to be a "fringe aspect" and
represent a minority within these movements.
European populists are "ethnic nationalists" opposed to the"transfer of power to Brussels"
Fennema identifies European populists as being "ethnic nationalists"
who want to close their borders to immigration, and do not want their
nation to "transfer power to Brussels". This is unlike what is happening
in Catalonia, which has an open stance towards immigration and wants to
increase European political and economic integration. This definition
fits more the attitudes of parties such as the Front National, or the
UKIP party of Nigel Farage in the UK, which share similar views
regarding immigration and corruption policies. For Fennema, and other
experts in the field, such as Sarah de Lange and Sjoerdje van Heerden,
authors of the book 'Not that different after all: radical right parties
and voters in Western Europe', it is a mistake to simply warn the
public of the dangers of such attitudes, what is needed is to understand
why they are gaining popularity and now they are being treated as
"normal". Another dangerous consequence of this, the experts point out,
is that as the right-wing becomes more mainstream, the centre parties
are being pushed into more radical policies in order to maintain the
balance.
Regarding their presence in the EU, UKIP, (which has representation
in the British parliament) is in the Europe of Freedom and Democracy
group in the European Parliament, shared with the Italian Five Stars
Movement, led by David Borelli. This October, the Euro-sceptics were
about to lose their place when a MEP left, leaving them short of the 7
members of different countries required for representation. In the end
however, the position was maintained when Polish MEP Robert Jaroslaw
Iwaszkiewicz joined his party with those of Farage and Borrelli.
However, Marine Le Pen did not join and she simply shares an operational
budget with a few other MEPs.
Spain "was always focused on becoming a part of Europe"
Fennema recalls that the particularities of Spain mean that the
profiles of the Front National or UKIP cannot be applied to Spanish
parties. This is both because Spain "was always focused on becoming a
part of Europe", and also because unlike England and France, it has
"always been a country which exported labour rather than imported it".
Moreover, the very different history makes the two incomparable; the
experience of the Civil War and Franco’s dictatorship were key to
preventing the rise of populism in Spain, said the Emeritus Professor,
"because the Spaniards do not want any other kind of extremism". He
concludes that while the "Partido Popular [People’s Party] is a legacy
of Francoism, yet it has always behaved democratically", though "not
always completely" he adds.
"Corruption is stronger in Spain... because in Holland we have stronger institutions"
The rise of populism could be explained by citizens losing confidence
due to corruption increasingly leading states. In conclusion, Dr.
Fennema compared corruption within Spain and his national Holland. In
his opinion, strong institutions are key: there is more corruption in
Spain, "not because Spanish people are worse or more immoral than Dutch
people" but because "in Holland we have stronger institutions". The
expert from the University of Amsterdam believes it is through "checks
and balances" that we must lead the way forward, to "struggle against
corruption by establishing strong institutions that check each other".